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Iran at the center of the security crisis: threats in the Strait of Hormuz, civilian casualties, and ever weaker diplomacy

Find out what lies behind the new escalation related to Iran, why the Strait of Hormuz is crucial for global energy, and how growing civilian casualties, threats to shipping, and sharp messages from Tehran and Washington are further intensifying the global security crisis.

Iran at the center of the security crisis: threats in the Strait of Hormuz, civilian casualties, and ever weaker diplomacy
Photo by: Domagoj Skledar - illustration/ arhiva (vlastita)

Iran remains at the center of the global security crisis: the Strait of Hormuz, civilian casualties, and a new phase of international pressure

Tensions related to Iran on March 11, 2026, remain among the gravest security issues in the world, as military escalation, threats to global energy supply, humanitarian consequences, and an ever narrower space for diplomacy are all unfolding at the same time. In recent days, messages from Tehran and Washington have shown how far apart the positions are: the Iranian side speaks of aggression, the right to respond, and the responsibility of the West for the spread of war, while the U.S. administration says its goal is to weaken Iran’s military capabilities, especially short-range missiles and naval capabilities that can endanger shipping and regional infrastructure. In such an atmosphere, the Strait of Hormuz has once again become a symbol of both real danger and geopolitical pressure, because any more serious blockade or longer-lasting disruption of traffic directly affects the oil market, liquefied gas transport, insurance costs, and the overall security architecture of the Middle East. The crisis is therefore no longer just a regional issue. It is at the same time an energy, diplomatic, military, and humanitarian problem that directly affects the decisions of the United States, the Gulf states, the European Union, the United Nations, and major Asian energy importers.

Tehran and Washington are further raising the tone

In official Iranian statements published on March 9 and 10, the emphasis was placed on the claim that this is a dangerous new phase of the war and that the United States and Israel bear responsibility for the spread of the conflict and its civilian consequences. In one of the latest published messages, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei further linked the war operations to the struggle for control over energy flows, while Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, in several contacts with foreign officials, tried to strengthen diplomatic support for Tehran’s position. Such wording is not merely propaganda for the domestic public. It is also a signal to regional actors that Iran wants to present the conflict as a broader issue of international law, sovereignty, and the security of maritime routes. On the other hand, U.S. officials in recent days have clearly stated that they link the operations to neutralizing the threat which, in their assessment, is posed by Iranian short-range missiles and naval capabilities in the Gulf. Statements from Washington and the State Department also emphasize condemnation of Iranian missile and drone attacks in the region, with the message that Washington sees its actions as part of the defense of U.S. forces, allies, and key infrastructure. It is precisely these mutually exclusive interpretations that are now further reducing the room for a rapid easing of tensions.

Why the Strait of Hormuz remains the crucial point of the crisis

The Strait of Hormuz has long been one of the most sensitive points in global energy trade, but the current crisis shows how quickly this geographically narrow passage can become a global problem. According to data from the International Energy Agency, an average of around 20 million barrels of crude oil and petroleum products per day was transported through this maritime corridor during 2025. The U.S. Energy Information Administration further estimates that flows through Hormuz in 2024 and the first quarter of 2025 accounted for more than a quarter of total global seaborne oil trade and approximately one fifth of global consumption of oil and petroleum products, along with a significant share in the global trade of liquefied natural gas. This means that a threat to shipping in that area is not just regional news, but a direct blow to prices, logistics, and market expectations.

That is precisely why every statement about possible traffic restrictions, the laying of mines, attacks on ships, or the rerouting of tankers immediately reverberates in markets and political centers. The Associated Press reported these days that the U.S. military announced it had destroyed 16 Iranian mine-laying vessels, although claims of active mining were not independently confirmed. The mere fact that official communications are once again talking about mines and a blockade of exports from the Gulf is enough for the risk assessment to increase dramatically. In practice, this means more expensive insurance, more cautious passage of merchant ships, possible port delays, and the search for alternative routes, which are longer and more financially demanding. For European and Asian energy consumers, this may not immediately be visible only at the gas station, but it is very quickly felt through rising transport costs, more expensive industrial production, and pressure on inflation.

The energy market is already feeling the consequences

In the short-term energy report published on March 10, the U.S. Energy Information Administration stated that the price of Brent rose from an average of 71 dollars per barrel on February 27 to 94 dollars on March 9, following the start of military escalation on February 28. The same report also states that, according to the situation before the forecast was published, physical damage to energy infrastructure was limited, but that the Strait of Hormuz was effectively closed to most maritime traffic. Such wording is particularly important because it shows that the market reacts not only to actual destruction, but also to the security assessment that traffic is no longer normal or predictable. When it comes to energy, the market does not wait for a complete blockade to react; it is enough for participants to assess that the risk has become too high.

An additional problem for the global economy is the fact that energy shocks rarely remain confined to crude oil alone. They spill over into the prices of liquefied gas, petrochemical products, maritime transport, and cargo insurance. States that receive key quantities of energy from the Gulf must then draw on reserves, redirect deliveries, or enter into more expensive short-term contracts. Politically, this means that a security crisis very quickly turns into a budgetary and social problem, especially in economies sensitive to energy imports. That is why the issue of Hormuz is far more than a military map. It is one of the few places in the world where a few days of more serious disruption can change the tone of political decisions on several continents.

Civilian casualties are becoming an ever larger part of the international debate

Parallel to the energy dimension, pressure is also growing over civilian casualties. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk warned last week that the situation is deteriorating hour by hour and that the worst fears about the consequences of widespread hostilities for civilians and civilian infrastructure are coming true. The UN Human Rights Office spoke of shock over the effects of attacks on civilians and called for respect for the laws of war. At the same time, UN special rapporteurs condemned unlawful attacks and called for de-escalation and accountability. These messages do not in themselves stop military operations, but they carry weight because they shape the international legal and political perception of the conflict. The more reports there are of civilian casualties, the greater the pressure on states to explain the legitimacy of their actions and the measures taken to protect civilians.

The death toll in such circumstances also becomes both a political and informational battlefield. On March 6, Reuters carried a statement by Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations according to which at least 1,332 Iranian civilians had been killed in the war up to that point, while the Associated Press reported the following day that the Pentagon had spoken of more than 1,230 people killed in Iran, as well as casualties in other countries in the region. Such figures should be read with caution, because they come from a wartime context and may change as data is collected, but they are serious enough that the civilian dimension can no longer be treated as a secondary topic. That is precisely why the protection of civilians, proportionality, and accountability for attacks on infrastructure have become a key part of the diplomatic language of Brussels, the United Nations, and some regional actors.

The regional impact extends far beyond Iran’s borders

The crisis is not confined to the relationship between Iran and the United States. A joint statement by the U.S. and several Gulf states published on March 1 showed that Washington’s regional allies see Iranian missile and drone attacks as a direct threat to their own security and infrastructure. The European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council also emphasized in a joint statement on March 5 the need to protect civilians, respect international law, and refrain from further destabilization. It thus became clear that the crisis is no longer viewed merely as a conflict between two states and their immediate partners, but as a process that can destabilize the entire belt from the Levant to the Arabian Peninsula.

Such a development has several consequences. The first is military: the possibility of miscalculation and the spread of strikes to new targets is increasing, especially where allies, proxy groups, or international military bases operate. The second is political: the Gulf monarchies simultaneously want Washington’s security guarantees and to avoid a scenario in which they become the main target of retaliation. The third is economic: every missile, drone, or act of sabotage directed at port, oil, or logistics infrastructure increases the sense that the entire region has entered a phase of permanent instability. This does not affect only oil exports. It also affects air traffic, tourism, maritime routes, investments, and the willingness of international companies to operate there under normal conditions.

Diplomacy exists, but it is increasingly weaker than the logic of war

Although diplomacy has not disappeared completely, its room for maneuver is clearly narrowing. Iran is trying to defend its position through bilateral contacts and calls for international condemnation of the attacks, while Washington is trying to rally partners around the thesis that pressure is necessary for the security of the region and the limitation of Iranian capabilities. The problem is that the current messages do not touch at the key point: both sides still believe that it is precisely the continuation of pressure that could improve their negotiating position. Within such a framework, diplomacy often becomes an extension of war by other means, rather than a real channel for rapid calming.

This is especially visible in the way the conditions for de-escalation are discussed. Tehran is trying to show that it is not prepared to accept the logic of unilateral concession under military pressure, while Washington insists that the threat must first be narrowed militarily and operationally. Between these two positions, the space for an urgent compromise is for now very narrow. International actors are therefore increasingly not seeking a final political agreement, but at least a limitation of targets, protection of shipping, and mechanisms to prevent unintended escalation. Yet even such a minimal goal is becoming harder and harder to achieve when the rhetoric on both sides shows that neither wants to act as the one that yielded first.

What comes next for Europe and the rest of the world

For Europe, which has already lived for years with the consequences of geopolitical disruptions in energy markets, the Iranian crisis opens three immediate questions. The first is supply-related: how long the market can withstand severely restricted traffic through Hormuz without a stronger удар on prices and industry. The second is security-related: whether the regional escalation can spill over onto broader maritime routes, critical infrastructure, or new waves of instability in Europe’s southern and eastern neighborhood. The third is political: how to reconcile support for allies, the defense of international law, and increasingly louder demands for the protection of civilians. The answers to these questions are not yet final, but it is clear that European capitals, if the crisis continues, will have to choose between more expensive energy options, stronger security engagement, and more intensive diplomatic mediation.

For the rest of the world, what matters most is that this crisis combines two types of vulnerability that are otherwise often viewed separately. The first is classic security vulnerability, linked to missiles, drones, fleets, and regional alliances. The second is systemic economic vulnerability, linked to bottlenecks in global trade, supply chains, and the sensitivity of energy prices. When these two dimensions converge in a place such as the Strait of Hormuz, the consequences no longer remain limited to the immediate actors in the conflict. They affect states that have no military role in the war, but pay the price through energy, transport, inflation, and political uncertainty. That is precisely why Iran remains at the center of the global security crisis: not only because of what is happening on the ground, but also because every new strike, every new threat to shipping, and every new confirmation of civilian suffering shifts the limits of what the international system can endure without a much more serious disruption.

Sources:
  • - International Energy Agency – data on the strategic importance of the Strait of Hormuz and average daily oil flows in 2025. (link)
  • - U.S. Energy Information Administration – analysis of the share of the Strait of Hormuz in global oil and gas trade and the short-term energy report of March 10, 2026. (link; link)
  • - Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran – official publications and statements from March 2026 on the war, diplomatic contacts, and Tehran’s position. (link)
  • - U.S. Department of State – joint statement on Iranian missile and drone attacks in the region and statements by U.S. officials on the objectives of the operations. (link; link)
  • - Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights – warnings about civilian casualties, international humanitarian law, and the need for de-escalation. (link; link)
  • - Council of the European Union – joint statement of the EU-GCC ministerial meeting on recent developments and the need to protect civilians. (link)
  • - Reuters and Associated Press – reports on civilian casualties, maritime threats, and military claims regarding mine-laying vessels. (link; link)

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